The 4 Freedoms Library

It takes a nation to protect the nation

I heard a 5 minute gushing hagiography to Mandela on the BBC World Service. It ended with the anchorwoman describing this hagiography as "the unvarnished truth". So here is the unvarnished truth.

No doubt if Hasan Al Banna was assassinated today, the New York Times would not describe him as "a fascist", as they did in 1948.

The hero of the anti-apartheid struggle was not the saint we want him to be.

The image of Nelson Mandela as a selfless, humble, freedom fighter turned cheerful, kindly old man, is well established in the West. If there is any international leader on whom we can universally heap praise it is surely he. But get past the halo we’ve placed on him without his permission, and Nelson Mandela had more than a few flaws which deserve attention.

He signed off on the deaths of innocent people, lots of them

Nelson Mandela was the head of UmKhonto we Sizwe, (MK), the terrorist wing of the ANC and South African Communist Party. At his trial, he had pleaded guilty to 156 acts of public violence including mobilising terrorist bombing campaigns, which planted bombs in public places, including the Johannesburg railway station. Many innocent people, including women and children, were killed by Nelson Mandela’s MK terrorists. Here are some highlights

-Church Street West, Pretoria, on the 20 May 1983

-Amanzimtoti Shopping complex KZN, 23 December 1985

-Krugersdorp Magistrate’s Court, 17 March 1988

-Durban Pick ‘n Pay shopping complex, 1 September 1986

-Pretoria Sterland movie complex 16 April 1988 – limpet mine killed ANC terrorist M O Maponya instead

-Johannesburg Magistrate’s Court, 20 May 1987

-Roodepoort Standard Bank 3 June, 1988

Tellingly, not only did Mandela refuse to renounce violence, Amnesty refused to take his case stating “[the] movement recorded that it could not give the name of ‘Prisoner of Conscience’ to anyone associated with violence, even though as in ‘conventional warfare’ a degree of restraint may be exercised.”


 As President he bought a lot of military hardware

Inheriting a country with criminally deep socio-ecnomic problems, one might expect resources to be poured into redressing the imbalances of apartheid. Yet once in office, even Mandela’s government slipped into the custom of putting national corporatism, power and prestige above its people. Deputy Minister of Defence Ronnie Kasrils said in 1995 that the government’s planned cuts in defence spending could also result in the loss of as many as 90,000 jobs in defence-related industries.

Mandela’s government announced in November 1998 that it intended to purchase 28 BAE/SAAB JAS 39 Gripen fighter aircraft from Sweden at a cost of R10.875 billion, i.e. R388 million (about US$65 million) per plane. Clearly, the all-powerful air armadas of Botswana weighed heavily on the minds of South African leaders…

Not content with jets, in 1999 a US$4.8 billion (R30 billion in 1999 rands) purchase of weaponry was finalised, which has been subject to allegations of corruption. The South African Department of Defence’s Strategic Defence Acquisition purchased a slew of shiny new weapons, including frigates, submarines, corvettes, light utility helicopters, fighter jet trainers and advanced light fighter aircraft.

Below are some of the purchases made, presumably to keep the expansionist intentions of Madagascar at bay…



Original Qty

Illustrative total cost



R4 billion

Maritime helicopter for corvettes


R1 billion

New submarines to replace Daphne


R5,5 billion

Alouette helicopter replacement


R2 billion

Advanced light fighter


R6-9 billion

Main Battle Tank replacement of Olifant


R6 billion

Total cost in 1998 Rand

R25-38 billion


Mandela was friendly with dictators

Despite being synonymous with freedom and democracy, Mandela was never afraid to glad hand the thugs and tyrants of the international arena.

General Sani Abacha seized power in Nigeria in a military coup in November 1993. From the start of his presidency, in May 1994, Nelson Mandela refrained from publicly condemning Abacha’s actions. Up until the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting in November 1995 the ANC government vigorously opposed the imposition of sanctions against Nigeria. Shortly before the meeting Mandela’s spokesman, Parks Mankahlana, said that “quiet persuasion” would yield better results than coercion. Even after the Nigerian government announced the death sentences against Saro-Wiwa and eight other Ogoni activists, during the summit, Mandela refused to condemn the Abacha regime or countenance the imposition of sanctions.

Two of the ANC’s biggest donors, in the 1990s, were Colonel Muammar Gaddafi of Libya and President Suharto of Indonesia . Not only did Mandela refrain from criticising their lamentable human rights records but he interceded diplomatically on their behalf, and awarded them South Africa ‘s highest honour. Suharto was awarded a state visit, a 21-gun salute, and The Order of Good Hope (gold class).

In April 1999 Mandela acknowledged to an audience in Johannesburg that Suharto had given the ANC a total of 60 million dollars. An initial donation of 50 million dollars had been followed up by a further 10 million. The Telegraph ( London ) reported that Gaddafi was known to have given the ANC well over ten million dollars.


The apartheid regime was a crime against humanity; as illogical as it was cruel.  It is tempting, therefore, to simplify the subject by declaring that all who opposed it were wholly and unswervingly good. It’s important to remember, however, that Mandela has been the first to hold his hands up to his shortcomings and mistakes. In books and speeches, he goes to great length to admit his errors. The real tragedy is that too many in the West can’t bring themselves to see what the great man himself has said all along; that he’s just as flawed as the rest of us, and should not be put on a pedestal.

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Peter Tatchell's take on Mandela ;

Nelson Mandela supported LGBT rights but failed on HIV, poverty & Mugabe
Liberation hero. Pioneer of forgiveness and reconciliation
Icon of freedom, alongside Mohandas Gandhi & Martin Luther King
London - 6 December 2013

“Nelson Mandela was an African liberation hero and a supporter of LGBT human rights. He continued the liberation struggle pioneered by Kwame Nkrumah and ranks with Mohandas Gandhi and Martin Luther King as one of the world’s great humanitarians. His government supported LGBT equality and ended legal discrimination against LGBT people. But Mandela was not without his shortcomings. His presidency did not do enough to tackle poverty and HIV. He failed to speak out against Mugabe’s tyranny and homophobia in Zimbabwe,” said human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell.
Mr Tatchell was involved in the four-year long non-stop picket outside the South African embassy in London, from 1986 to 1990. He helped persuade the ANC leaders in 1987 to abandon homophobia and to publicly support LGBT equality. With South African LGBT activists, he later advised the ANC on the anti-discrimination clause of the post-apartheid constitution, helping them secure protection against sexual orientation discrimination. See the inside story here:
“Mandela was a political and moral giant. He led the victorious liberation struggle against apartheid, and then pioneered the peaceful transition to multi-racial democracy. He was the first African leader to embrace LGBT rights. His extraordinary compassion and forgiveness led to reconciliation with his former white supremacist oppressors. For all these reasons, he is a global icon and a gay icon. Few people in history can match his moral stature,” added Mr Tatchell.
“Despite his greatness, Mandela was not without his shortcomings. There were three notable failures.
“When he was South African president, from 1994-99, HIV was killing more South Africans than the vile system of apartheid ever did; claiming 600 lives a day, which is the equivalent of nine Sharpeville massacres every 24 hours. Mandela bowed to public sensitivities and taboos; failing to deal decisively with the HIV crisis. He refused calls to lead a public education and prevention campaign. His government failed to make anti-HIV drugs widely available. Earlier and stronger action would have saved tens of thousands lives. His later public statements on HIV were welcome but they came years too late.
“Under his presidency, not nearly enough was done to tackle poverty. For the most part, the black majority remained impoverished. Mandela did not significantly reform the economic system and the income inequalities of the apartheid era. Land reform was slow, piecemeal and limited. The majority of black South Africans are still shut out from economic progress.
“Mandela’s other big failing was that he never spoke out against the murderous and homophobic Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe or expressed his solidarity with Zimbabweans struggling for their freedom. Robert Mugabe killed more black Africans than the apartheid leaders, John Forster and P W Botha, combined. Thousands were massacred in the Matabeleland region in the 1980s. Yet Mandela said nothing about Mugabe’s terror campaign of detention without trial, torture, rape and extra-judicial killings. Hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans had their homes demolished. Millions were starved into submission by the withholding of food aid. This was tyranny on a scale comparable to the worst excesses of the apartheid regime. Yet Mandela was silent. He also said nothing when Mugabe demonised, harassed and threatened the LGBT community.
“Is it fair to criticise the great man? Yes. From an extraordinary leader, we expect extraordinary leadership.
“Mandela’s shortcomings do not, however, detract from the fact that, for the most part, he was a truly remarkable, honourable man. I shed a tear at his passing. He will be long remembered - and long loved.
“On this sad day I look back to a moment of great joy. I remember watching the live television coverage of Nelson Mandela on the historic day in 1990, when he walked free from prison after 27 years incarceration. It was a joyous occasion for millions of people worldwide who had campaigned so long and hard for his freedom - including me. This was an emotionally-charged moment. A lump swelled in my throat. After 21 years of campaigning for Mandela’s release, it was as if a dear, close friend had been finally freed from jail.
“Since 1969, I had been part of the global anti-apartheid movement. One of our key demands was the release of Nelson Mandela - and other ANC political prisoners. He had been jailed for life in 1964 on treason charges.
“My first anti-apartheid protest was in 1971 at one of the main churches in my hometown of Melbourne, Australia. It was promoting an Australian athlete who supported sporting ties with apartheid South Africa. A small group of us interrupted the service to criticise the athlete and the church.
“At around the same time, we protested at Lorne beach, south west of Melbourne, which was hosting an international competition with the South African surf lifesaving team. Forty of us lay on the sand in front of the boat house, in a bid to stop the boat being launched. This infuriated the all-white South African crew and the Australian team and officials. They knocked us about with their oars and their heavy boat was dropped on us. Many of us were carted off by the police.
“Although a staunch supporter of the anti-apartheid struggle, I was never an uncritical yes man. In 1987, I exposed the ugly homophobia within Mandela’s liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC).
“I wrote to Thabo Mbeki, who was in exile in Lusaka at the time and who later become the second post-apartheid South African president. My letter criticised ANC homophobia and appealed to the leadership to support LGBT equality. I was delighted when Mbeki
replied to me making the ANC’s first public condemnation of homophobia and its first public pledge to LGBT equality under a future ANC-led government - and with a request that I publicise this new ANC commitment, which I did.  
“Heartened by this commitment, in 1989 I proposed to the ANC that their post-apartheid South African constitution should have a comprehensive anti-discrimination clause, including a prohibition of discrimination based on gender and sexual orientation.
“In consultation with South African activists, I drafted a clause, which was broadly accepted by the author of the ANC’s draft constitution, Albie Sachs. It was agreed by Mandela and the rest of the ANC leadership. As a result, South Africa became the first country in the world to guarantee equal treatment to LGBT people. Mandela, uniquely among African leaders, embraced the LGBT community.
“The high-point of my anti-apartheid activism was from 1986 to 1990, when I was involved in the 24/7 non-stop picket on the pavement outside the South African embassy in London. The picket lasted every day and every night for four years, even in pouring rain and through freezing winters. Participants rotated to keep a constant presence. Our key demands were an end to apartheid and the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners.
“There were repeated attempts by the police, acting at the request of the apartheid state and the Thatcher government, to stop the non-stop protest. Hundreds were arrested on spurious charges. Some eventually won compensation for unlawful arrest. The most notorious sabotage attempt was the use of international diplomatic protocols to ban the protest on the grounds that it was an affront to the dignity of the South African embassy. There were mass arrests, including of some Labour MPs, before the British government and police relented.
“The day Mandela was freed from prison in 1990 the non-stop protest swelled from the usual 30 people to over 2,000. We sang, danced, smiled and cried with joy. The protests inside South Africa, supported by those of us outside the country, had got a result. Nelson Mandela and his fellow political prisoners were free at last. Bravo!” said Mr Tatchell.
Further information:
Peter Tatchell
Director, Peter Tatchell Foundation
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A tribute from RamZPaul ;

link to the anti white song below vid.

A real man of peace - except when he's encouraging people to "Kill the boor (white farmer)".  And odd that after he got his revolution he stood by while a slow genocide of the white farmers took place.  Not to mention letting Zimbabwe go ahead with a full state supported (anti-white) apartheid.


Its a good job Winne was such sweetheart.

Classically Liberal

An independent blog looking at things from a classically liberal perspective. We are independent of any group or organization, and only speak for ourselves, and intend to keep it that way.

Wednesday, June 06, 2007

Winnie Mandela: kidnapper, torturer, child killer, liar.

Canada denied a visa to Nelson Mandela’s former wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. The Canadians have not said why. The potential reasons are many.

First, Winnie terrorized her own neighborhood with a group of thugs she called a “football” team. The Mandela United Football Club wasn’t known to kick a soccer ball around but they did kick in a few heads and sometimes Winnie helped. She was one nasty piece of work and that is one reason her ex husband dumped her. That, along with her constant betrayal of him.

She ordered the kidnapping of a 14 year old boy, Stompie Moeketsi and had him brought to her home. There she and her football team beat the child. She got worried and went to see a doctor in Soweto who informed her the boy was so seriously injured that he would die without hospital care. Winnie had the boy dumped in a field and then sent men to execute the doctor. She then claimed she never visited the doctor even though there were records that showed she had and it was confirmed by the doctor’s receptionist, Albertina Sisulu, the wife of ANC president Walter Sisulu. The doctor, Abu Baker Asvat, had been a close friend and Winnie’s own doctor.

When Albertina Sisulu was called to testify about Winnie’s involvement in both these killings at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission Winnie’s “football team” put in a threatening appearance and Mrs. Sisulu suddenly had memory lapses. Zakhele Mbatha, who was convicted of the murder, says Winnie paid him for the assassination. The doctor had been a vocal antiapartheid activist but Winnie didn’t want any lose strings.

Winnie and football thugs engaged in torture at her home. The Makanda brothers were beaten repeatedly, hung by the neck, had plastic bags put over their heads, had a large M for Mandela carved into their chest, had battery acid poured on them, had the words “Viva ANC” carved into their backs and nothing was done to her. I am quite familiar with the evil record of Winnie Mandela and I contend that someday the evidence will materialize that she was a police informer which offered her a great deal of immunity. For instance she was never prosecuted for the torture of the Makandas.

Throughout the Stompie affair police co-operated with Winnie and evidence that existed tying her to the killing disappeared once it was in police custody. One witness to the killing

Winnie also tried to smear Methodist minister Paul Verryn with her typical antigay remarks. She spread the story he was attacking young boys and she sent a young man to beg Verryn for shelter and told the man to try to seduce the minister so she could end his popularity in Soweto. This is also tied to the reason she had Dr. Asvat killed. She demanded he testify that he saw medical evidence that Verryn had raped young boys and the doctor refused saying it wasn’t true.

Mbatha says when he tried to tell the truth about Winnie’s involvement he was blocked by the police. Katiza Cebekhulu was at Winnie’s home the day she and her thugs attacked Stompie. Fearful that he could be next he fled. The South African police tracked him down and turned him over to Winnie. Cebekhulu managed to escape again. Once again the police arrested him but once again they didn’t take him to jail. They instead drove to Shell House, the ANC headquarters, and turned him over to Winnie a second time. Nelson Mandela had Katiza bundled up and forced out of the country to be held in a foreign prison. A British MP tracked Katiza down and managed to get him freed. He fled to England

The testimony against Winnie in her killing spree was convincing and overwhelming. Her own bodyguard, Jerry Richardson testified that Winnie was involved in these killings and that he was there. Katiza was there and said the same thing. The killer of Dr. Asvat said the same thing. But evidence kept vanishing from police custody and in the end the judge said without the vanished evidence he couldn’t convict.

On one occasion she decided to get rid of her daughter’s boyfriend, and the father of her grandchild. She told the young man to deliver some weapons for her and had them put in the trunk of his car. She then had the police called and told the weapons were in the car. The young man was arrested and died in police custody.

A stooge for Winnie in Canada, Carole Adrianns, who was bringing Mandela to the country says she is shocked. Obviously she is ignorant of Winnie’s murderous and violent past. Adriaans says she was “blown away” (though not like Dr. Asvat) because Winnie had received an award for her work on AIDS.

I must admit that remark caused me to gag a bit. I just couldn’t help remember one occasion when Winnie had to go to court for her crimes, one of those occasions when the police again lost the evidence for her. She was getting into her limo outside the courthouse surrounded by a crowd of people. Someone touched her arm. She turned with the most vicious look I have every seen on someone and started screaming hysterically:

“Don’t touch me. Don’t touch me. How do I know you don’t have AIDS.” Yes, work with AIDS sufferers indeed.

I can believe she would do so technically because there is money in it and she has always skimmed funds off her fake charities and organizations for herself. She owned a very large mansion in Soweto which is where she lived most of the time. She had another small house nearby where she held press events. It looked better that way. I have personally seen both houses. Winnie has been convicted of multiple counts of swindling money out of the coffers of the ANC Women’s League and that was under a government run by her own party.

Adrianns, a useful idiot for the likes of Comrade Winnie, says it would “have been such an honor to have her there for us”. No doubt she would go ape over Dr. Mengela as well. While in Canada Winnie was to attend a “multimedia opera” entitled “The Passion of Winnie”. Murderer, liar, swindler, torturer, kidnapper. Somehow I suspect this disgusting opera left out those facts.

I have read a few of Dr. Peter Hammond's essays but did not know really anything about him.  I’ve only just learned that he met Nelson Mandela.  I cannot embed the two videos with his comments but the link to the videos work.  Thanks to WND.

‘Nelson Mandela was a radical Marxist and a firm advocate of abortion, pornography, homosexuality and legalizing prostitution, according to a prominent Christian missionary who was summoned to the home of the South African president.

‘Rev. Peter Hammond, founder of Frontline Fellowship and Africa Christian Nation, has worked for nearly 30 years helping persecuted Christians in Africa. As a result of Hammond’s visit with Mandela – in which the missionary laid hands on the president and prayed for him to see abortion for what it really is, the merciless slaughter of innocent human life – Hammond was subjected to a 13-year audit of his organization.

Don’t mourn for Mandela: Joseph Farah says man ‘wasn’t the saintly ...

‘In 2010, Frontline released a set of two videos titled, “My Meeting with Nelson Mandela,” in which Hammond reveals the true character of the anti-apartheid revolutionary and recalls his visit with him at his home.

‘“I’m astounded that so many in the West idolize Mandela and lift him up as a messianic figure because they obviously don’t know what he teaches, what he believes or what he does – or his support for some of the most radical Marxist dictatorships on the planet with some of the worst human-rights records, such as the governments of Red China and Cuba,” Hammond declared. “He has supported these dictators wholeheartedly and received them with the greatest honors.”

‘Hammond said there are many Christians who idolize Mandela because they’ve been given false information about who the man really was.

The following are Hammond’s eye-opening statements about the late leader:


Dr. Peter Hammond's book: Slavery, Terrorism and Islam: The Historical Roots and Contemporary Threat

Let's not forget - at Thatcher's death, there were people releasing & buying records, t-shirts, etc. rejoicing in her death.  Someone was arrested for making jokes about Mandela's death.  I don't remember any of those people being arrested for the things they were doing/saying about Thatcher.

It's clear that any Hitler with brown skin would be able to get away with his atrocities (provided his victims didn't have brown skin).

the ANC was the leading cause of death, by far, for black South Africans throughout the period of Apartheid.'

Nelson Mandela: A Candid Assessment

by Timothy J. Williams

Mandela-(Steven Siewert)

Calling him one of the “most influential, courageous and profoundly good people to ever have lived,” President Obama ordered all U.S. flags lowered to half-staff in honor of Nelson Mandela, who died on Thursday, December 5. As the worldwide tributes pour in for the former leader of the African National Congress (ANC) and first black president of South Africa, it is good to remember just who Mandela was, and who he wasn’t.

As president of South Africa, Mandela—though a typically bumbling socialist—was not a vengeful character. After having spent much of his adult life in prison, he is widely praised for not seeking to retaliate against the former white rulers, and for having largely urged reconciliation and compromise in undoing the injustices of Apartheid. Though Mandela was a committed Marxist, he was also a pragmatist, disappointing his more impatient comrades by not immediately carrying out the massive nationalizations of industry he had promised, so as not to drive away foreign investment. And he recognized his own limitations, both physical and political, in deciding not to attempt to remain in power after his term in office.

Most white South Africans rejoin that Nelson Mandela had no reason to seek revenge on anyone, nor any basis for extending forgiveness to his previous jailors. After all, as the most famous prisoner of the previous Apartheid government, he had been fairly tried and convicted of complicity in many murders, and he confessed to participation in 156 acts of terror, crimes that would certainly have earned him the death penalty in a great many countries. Moreover, his confinement was more than comfortable by any standards. During his legendary twenty-seven years in prison, Mandela communicated freely with his followers, and somehow managed to accumulate a considerable fortune. He was continually offered release by the white Apartheid government, but on one condition: that he renounce violence in pursuit of political reform. That is something he consistently refused to do.

As was made clear by testimony before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Mandela was personally involved in the targeting and timing of terrorist bombings that took place during his imprisonment, such as the infamous “Church Street Massacre,” designed to maximize casualties among Afrikaner women and children. Even a group as left-leaning as Amnesty International refused to grant Mandela political prisoner status because of the obviously violent character of his ideology and his actions. His African National Congress party ran a horrific camp for political prisoners in Angola, with daily torture and murder, often by the “necklacing” technique, whereby a gasoline-filled tire is placed around the neck of a victim and set ablaze. Virtually all the victims of this particular horror were blacks.

Within South Africa, on direct orders from Winnie and Nelson Mandela, the ANC targeted not only whites, but also all black civil servants, teachers, lawyers, and businessmen—essentially anyone who imagined a post-Apartheid South Africa that differed from the one mandated by the Marxist ANC. Even simple black peasants who refused to carry out terror attacks were treated as enemies, and they were killed in large numbers. Thus, just as the terroristic FLN killed far more Algerians than did the French during the Algerian war for independence, the ANC was the leading cause of death, by far, for black South Africans throughout the period of Apartheid.

The only reality that makes it even remotely possible to view Mandela as a “statesman” is that he lived on a continent where the definition of “statecraft” is not exactly rigorous or exemplary. Since the wave of decolonization following World War II, the number of African states ruled by ruthless dictators has always been in the majority, and sometimes approached unanimity. The precise number of tyrants involved is actually difficult to ascertain. One simply loses count, and the shadows of the worst of them conceal the merely “semi-heinous” crimes of the lesser despots, so that their names are eclipsed and you find yourself asking: “Does so-and-so really fit the African definition of a tyrant?”

Numbered among the rogue gallery of miscreants who have wielded power on that tragic continent, we find some of the world’s biggest drug traffickers, diamond smugglers, and slave traders. It seems that the poorer an African nation is, the greater the wealth accumulated by its “President for Life.” Almost every country in black-ruled Africa has a system of gulags. All elections are rigged, free press is non-existent, and all dissent comes from exiles. In the past fifty years, there have been more wars in Africa than in all the other continents combined. And everything is considered a weapon of war: ethnic cleansing, child soldiering and child rape, even cannibalism. Just refraining from committing genocide in Africa practically sets one up for comparison with Mother Theresa.

So in this regard, Mandela (post-Apartheid, at least) does indeed look pretty good. Though personally implicated in a great many murders, there is at least no record of him ever eating a political foe or advocating child rape or promoting genocide. And he left office voluntarily in 1999, even if this was due more to advancing years, frail health, and the realization that he had no talent for governing, rather than to a real commitment to democracy. Still, by African standards, this is the stuff of a Nobel Peace Prize.

Mandela did, however, leave behind another socialist nightmare in the making. With their motto of “liberation before education,” the ANC has proved itself completely incapable of governing, and South Africa is sliding into chaos at an alarming rate. Since 2004, South Africa has experienced almost constant political protests, many of them violent. Activists like to refer to the nation as the most “protest-rich in the world,” which, along with prison camps, is the only type of “riches” a socialist nation can produce. The nation is staggered by unemployment, corruption throughout all levels of the police, military, and civil service, and ubiquitous, inescapable crime. Life in South Africa is far more dangerous, especially for blacks and women, than it was under Apartheid. With about fifty murders a day, the nation is now among the undisputed murder capitals of the world, most of these crimes going uninvestigated. The astounding estimates of other violent crimes, including rape, are almost impossible to believe. But only the truth of such figures could account for the fact that the private security business in South Africa is the largest in the world, with over a quarter-million private security guards in a nation of under 53 million.

Taking their lead from the disaster in neighboring Zimbabwe, the government of South Africa is now looking the other way as white farmers are driven off their land by arson and murder. It is said that job advertisements, even those posted by the government, routinely include the phrase “Whites need not apply.” Would it be an exaggeration to say that a “reverse Apartheid” is taking place in South Africa? The nearly one million white South Africans who have fled the growing chaos don’t think so.

Of course, life in South Africa is now most dangerous for the most defenseless, for those waiting to be born. As president, Mandela—ever the pragmatist—signed the most liberal abortion law in all of Africa, with no reason at all needed for a woman to procure abortion in the first 20 weeks of pregnancy, and abortion easy to obtain through all nine months. Since this law took effect in 1997, even the most conservative estimates put the number of abortions that have taken place at one million. Once again, socialists and pragmatists of all stripes reveal that they cannot conceive of any form of good governance that does not involve killing on a massive scale.

Yes, some South Africans view Mandela as a nearly messianic figure. Desmond Tutu has publically thanked God for the “gift” of Mandela. But this is the same “bishop” Tutu who recently stated that he would decline his own invitation to heaven if God turned out to be a “homophobe.” Any pious invocation by Tutu has to be regarded as more than a little suspect. Nor can we have any confidence in Barack Obama when he declares that Mandela “achieved more than could be expected of any man” and that “he belongs to the ages.” Obama no doubt believes he himself “belongs to the ages,” since his signature “accomplishments”—the government seizure of medical care, the enthronement of abortion, and the promotion of homosexual “marriage”—are all policies promoted by the ANC in the new South Africa. So we should not expect to hear much from the Obama administration about Mandela’s violent past. Statists never find anything to reproach in one of their own.

(Photo credit: Steven Siewert)

And another one...

Rian Malan 10 December 2013 13:13

Reading the obituaries last Friday, one was left with impression that Nelson Mandela’s only flaws were fastidiousness and a tendency to flirt with every pretty girl he met. Otherwise, he was exemplary in every respect, and of course a human right activist in the exactly the sense that Western liberals find winsome and cuddly. ‘Flawless,’ said Archbishop Tutu. ‘One of the true giants,’ said Blair.  Even the Tory Cameron could barely contain himself, describing Mandela as ‘the embodiment of grace.’  You had to have sharp ears to hear the discordant note struck by Johannesburg’s Business Day, which a ran a front-page story headlined, ‘South African Communist Party admits Mandela was a member’.

Better late than never, I suppose.  Mandela’s awkward secret has been doing the rounds since 2005, when veteran communist Hilda Bernstein let slip the bagged cat in conversation with Irish-American historian Padraig O’Malley.  ’He denies it,’ said Mrs. Bernstein, ‘but I know for a fact that Nelson Mandela was in the party,’ by which she meant South Africa’s ultra-orthodox, Soviet-aligned Communist Party. This made sense to Russian historian Irina Filatova, who took it for granted that the Kremlin would never have financed Mandela’s insurrection unless he was under party discipline. Proof was lacking but Filatova dug it up, only to be beaten to publication by Anglo-Dutch academic Stephen Ellis, who broke the story in 2011. Now Filatova has come forth with a book of her own (The Hidden Thread, co-authored with Apollon Davidson) that features, among other clinchers, a conversation with a senior Soviet apparatchik who says Mandela’s name always appeared on the Kremlin’s lists of the SACP’s top leaders.

In short, the Communist Party’s admission on 6 December simply confirmed what was already known and forced the world’s great newspapers at last to pay attention to one of the biggest lies of the 20th Century – a painful exercise for commentators who saw Mandela as a civil rights leader in the Martin Luther King style. I would ordinarily be tempted to jeer at them, but I’ll refrain; a great man is dead and besides, last Friday’s revelation invites the telling of a story that is more interesting than any of us.

Let’s start this in Pretoria, in the closing days of the epic Treason Trial of l956-1961. Mandela and his fellow accused have spent nearly five years in the dock, dozing and yawning as prosecutors attempt to prove they’ve been plotting violent overthrow of the apartheid government. Presiding Judge Rumpff is a grumpy Afrikaner conservative, servant of a white supremacist state that Mandela is apt to describe as ‘facist’.  Most observers believe a guilty verdict is a foregone conclusion, but they’re wrong: on March 30, 1961, Rumpff rules that the prosecution has failed to prove its case and that the accused are free to go.

This is a shocking outcome, given the enormous resources the apartheid state has devoted to this trial. Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd loves telling foreigners that most blacks support his racial policy, and that only a handful of misguided trouble-makers are against it. Rumpff’s judgement annihilates the argument. It also shows that South Africa is still a land of law. Judges are willing to rule against authoritarian state. The press is relatively free, and even Mandela concedes that police torture is at this stage unheard-of.  All told, Judge Rumpff’s verdict seems to show that peaceful change is still possible in South Africa.

But not in Nelson Mandela’s estimation.  After the acquittal, he returns to his Soweto home. Winnie sees him standing at the gate, chatting to some political cronies. At last, she thinks. At last Nelson has returned to her and her two baby daughters. At last her marriage will achieve a semblance of normality. But then a comrade comes in and asks her to pack a suitcase for her husband, and by the time she goes outside, Nelson has gone – vanished into the underground without even saying goodbye.  I could never fathom this strange little story until Stephen Ellis revealed what was really on Mandela’s mind that day.

We’ve always been told that Mandela’s was still hoping for peace at this point, still begging Verwoerd to heed the ANC’s plea for a national convention. Now it seems that the decision to go to war had already been taken – not by the ANC, but by its saturnine ally, the Communist Party, which endorsed military action at a secret meeting six months earlier, shortly after the Sharpeville massacre.  The proposed turn to violence was strongly opposed by Chief Albert Luthuli, president of the ANC and a leading candidate for that year’s Nobel Peace Prize.

It was at more or less this moment, says Ellis, that Mandela was secretly recruited into the Communist Party and then co-opted onto its innermost central committee. One of his allotted tasks, says Ellis, was to ‘bounce’ Luthuli into following the lead the Communists had taken.

Luthuli was not a pacifist per se, but he believed that non-violent options remained viable. Like many in the ANC and even the SACP, he also believed it would be folly to start a war at a point when the ANC was still struggling to organize effective protests. Luthuli and Mandela had it out in June 1961, at a tumultuous meeting of the ANC’s national executive in Tongaat, Natal. The debate raged through the night, but when the sun rose, Mandela was triumphant; the ANC had authorised him to launch a military wing, and to start making preparations for war against the apartheid state.

This is Mandela’s version – or more accurately, one of his versions. In his autobiography, Long Walk to Freedom, he acknowledges that the outcome of his clash with Luthuli was actually very messy.  ’The policy of the ANC would still be that of non-violence,’ he writes, and the new military organization, known as Mkhonto we Sizwe or MK, was required to be ‘entirely separate from the ANC’. This suggests that Mandela actually won just one concession: Luthuli would turn a blind eye to his military adventure provided it did not damage the mother organization. Even this was rejected out of hand by Communist lawyer Rowley Arenstein, who had a ringside seat for these events. ‘Luthuli was simply brushed aside,’ he said. ‘Adoption of armed struggle by the ANC was the act of a Johannesburg SACP clique, a hijacking’.

As for the moderate African democrats who populate the official MK creation myth, they appear to be entirely fictitious: according to Irina Filatova, every single member of MK’s High Command was secretly in the Communist Party. Their plans called for a two-stage assault on power – a National Democratic Revolution to sweep aside the white minority government, followed by a second revolution in which the Marxist-Leninist vanguard would take control and establish a ‘vigorous dictatorship’ over class enemies. As a new recruit, Mandela had a lot of catching up to do.  Ever the perfectionist, he borrowed seminal Red texts and made copies or summaries in his own hand.  One of these, found in his underground hideout two years later, was poignantly titled, ‘How to be a Good Communist’.

The first MK bombs went off on December 16, 1961, and Mandela moved on to the next phrase of his campaign, slipping across the border into British Bechuanaland. ‘My mission in Africa’, he writes in Long Walk to Freedom, ‘was to arrange political and economic support for our new military force and more important, military training for our men in as many places on the continent as possible.’

Towards this end, Mandela proceeded to newly-independent Tanzania, where he was received by President Julius Nyerere, a staunch anti-imperialist. Mandela looked upon Nyerere as a natural ally, but Nyerere’s affections were already spoken for: he believed that MK’s armed uprising should be postponed until Robert Sobukwe was released from prison. (Sobukwe was Mandela’s main rival, leader of the Pan-Africanist Congress or PAC, a group of militant African nationalists who’d broken away from the ANC because it was allegedly controlled by whites.)

From Dar es Salaam, Mandela flew to Ethiopia to attend an important conference of African leaders. There he met Kenneth Kaunda, who was about to become the president of an independent Zambia. In Long Walk, Mandela writes that Kaunda also had doubts ‘about our alliance with white Communists’. This was Mandela’s first inkling of something entirely unanticipated: ‘Communism was suspect not only in the West, but in Africa. This was something I was to hear over and over on my trip.’

When Mandela objected to Kaunda’s stance, he was referred to Kaunda’s deputy, Simon Kapepwe, whose view was even more sceptical. ‘We have heard disturbing reports from the PAC to the effect that MK is the brainchild of the Communist Party,’ said Kapepwe, ‘and that the idea of the organization is merely to use Africans as cannon-fodder.’ In Long Walk, Mandela claims to have been horrified by this ‘damnably false’ allegation, but in truth, Kaunda and Kapepwe were onto something: MK was indeed a creation of the Communist Party, and the Communist Party was indeed whitish in hue; according to Ellis, the SACP conference that resolved to take up arms took place in a posh white suburb, and only eight or nine of 25 delegates in attendance were black Africans.

Mandela appears to have been shaken by all this talk of stoogery. On arrival in London he rendezvoused with Yusuf Dadoo, presented in Long Walk as an exiled anti-apartheid activist, but in reality, a fellow senior member of the communist underground. ‘It was not a happy reunion,’ Mandela writes. ‘One African leader after another questioned us about our relations with white and Indian communists, sometimes suggesting that they controlled the ANC.’ Many had also expressed a preference for the Sobukwe’s PAC, a development that seriously dented Mandela’s hauteur. The solution proposed by Mandela and his former law partner Oliver Tambo, now living in London, caused Dadoo’s hair to stand on end.

At the time, the organizational structure of the ANC alliance mimicked the social divisions imposed by apartheid. The ANC was a blacks-only body. Indian supporters were required to join the South African Indian Congress; mixed-race people were steered into the Coloured People’s Congress, and whites into the Congress of Democrats.

Collectively, these four organizations formed the so-called Congress Alliance, an entity whose visibility often eclipsed that of the ANC. In other words, you often had whites and Indians who weren’t actually members of the ANC taking decisions and making statements on the ANC’s behalf.  Mandela and Tambo wanted to put an end to that, which meant the ANC taking a more independent, Africanist line.

Dadoo was appalled. ‘He believed that Oliver and I were changing ANC policy, that we were preparing to depart from the non-racialism that was the core of the Freedom Charter,’ writes Mandela. He assured Dadoo that the changes he envisaged were merely cosmetic, but still, he was moving in a direction that the SACP would have found threatening, and moving very fast indeed. His first act, on arriving back in Johannesburg, was to inform the ANC’s working committee ‘of the reservations I had encountered about cooperation with whites and Indians and particularly Communists.’ A day later, he left for Durban to convey his views to ANC president Luthuli. The chief’s response was not recorded, but the Rivonia Trial offered an intriguing glimpse of the great man’s last hours of freedom.

Wearing military uniform, Mandela met with MK’s regional commanders in a ‘beautiful new house’ overlooking the sea. According to Bruno Mtolo, an MK bomb-maker who later turned state witness, Mandela urged his troops to disguise their Communist affiliation if they were sent into Africa. ‘He warned us not to let African states know we were Communist,’ said Mtolo, adding that ‘they will not help us otherwise.’ In a 2007 memoir, Lord Joel Joffe, a member Mandela’s defence team, dismissed Mtolo’s claims as anti-Communist slander. Like thousands of others, Lord Joffe was a bit naïve.

When Mandela appeared in court to face charges of leaving the country illegally, he was at least outwardly a changed man. Prior to this point, Mandela had always been a cosmopolitan man-about-town, famous for his smart suits and upmarket style. Now he was dressed in Xhosa tribal finery – beads, a flowing robe, even a flywhisk of the sort traditionally sported by African chiefs. For Communists, these were the trappings of a backward and decidedly unscientific feudalism; the trappings, in fact, of the dreaded bourgeois African nationalist.  Mandela seemed to be signalling that he’d undergone some sort of conversion, the precise nature of which we can only guess at.

In the ensuing trial, Mandela was asked about his relationship with the Communist Party. He replied, ‘Well, I don’t know if I did become a Communist. If by Communist you mean a member of the Communist Party and a person who believes in the theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, and who adheres strictly to the discipline of the party, I did not become a Communist.’

This may be the most truthful lie ever told. Mandela never used Marxist jargon when speaking off the cuff. If anything, he sounded Churchillian.  Only when reading text foisted on him by committee did he sound Soviet, and then his whole demeanor would change, becoming wooden and stiff and possibly even resentful, as if he were thinking, what is this nonsense? As a rational man, Mandela cannot have failed to notice that the Communist underground was peopled largely by middle-class neurotics, constantly scanning one another’s syntax for signs of ideological deviance and gathering material for their memoirs. They were not the most promising revolutionaries, but they had access to things Mandela desperately needed –  money, cars, safe houses, the services of scores of dedicated volunteers and above all, the resources of two Communist superpowers. For one heady season, they seemed to be offering a short cut to the end he yearned for. He took it.

Did he regret it? Probably not. He wasn’t that sort of man.  All that is clear is that Mandela’s brief infatuation with the Red faith delivered the ANC into the hands of Communist hardliners who exercised almost total control over the organization for decades thereafter. This in turn caused the Boers in Pretoria to adopt a policy of merciless reaction.  The upshot was a bloody stalemate that endured until in 1989, when the fall of the Berlin Wall heralded the collapse of the Soviet empire. Realizing that without Soviet backing the ANC would have to abandon its dream of military victory, SA president F.W. de Klerk unbanned the liberation movements and freed Mandela. Within weeks, South Africa had resumed its unsteady quest for a happy ending.

Here's more stuff that is coming to the surface.  This is from the wife of a novelist, famous for his book highlighting the evils of apartheid.

I was so sorry he did not witness the euphoria and love at the time of the election in 1994. But I am glad he is not alive now. He would have been so distressed to see what has happened to his beloved country. [Without Apartheid]

I love this country with a passion, but I cannot live here any more. I can no longer live slung about with panic buttons and gear locks. I am tired of driving with my car windows closed and the doors locked, tired of being afraid of stopping at red lights. I am tired of being constantly on the alert, having that sudden frisson of fear at the sight of a shadow by the gate, of a group of youths approaching—although nine times out of 10 they are innocent of harmful intent. Such is the suspicion that dogs us all.

Among my friends and the friends of my friends, I know of nine people who have been murdered in the past four years.

An old friend, an elderly lady, was raped and murdered by someone who broke into her home for no reason at all; another was shot at a garage [...] 

There is now more racial tension in this country than I have ever known.

But it is not just about black-on-white crime. It is about general lawlessness. Black people suffer more than the whites. They do not have access to private security firms, and there are no police stations near them in the townships and rural areas. They are the victims of most of the hijackings, rapes and murders. They cannot run away like the whites, who are streaming out of this country in their thousands.

President Mandela has referred to us who leave as "cowards" and says the country can do without us. So be it.

Meanwhile, our spineless, unprincipled Prime Minister flies to South Africa for a photo-op.  And our media ignore the fact that more blacks are killed in post-Apartheid South Africa than when the whites ruled.

It's truly sad to think that life was better for them under a racist regime.  It would be very instructive to see the stats for rape and murder in South Africa in 1983 and 2013.  Considering Mandela was released in 1989, we can take it that those 25 years were enough for them to construct their communist black-ruled paradise.


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Muslim Terrorism Count

Thousands of Deadly Islamic Terror Attacks Since 9/11

Mission Overview

Most Western societies are based on Secular Democracy, which itself is based on the concept that the open marketplace of ideas leads to the optimum government. Whilst that model has been very successful, it has defects. The 4 Freedoms address 4 of the principal vulnerabilities, and gives corrections to them. 

At the moment, one of the main actors exploiting these defects, is Islam, so this site pays particular attention to that threat.

Islam, operating at the micro and macro levels, is unstoppable by individuals, hence: "It takes a nation to protect the nation". There is not enough time to fight all its attacks, nor to read them nor even to record them. So the members of 4F try to curate a representative subset of these events.

We need to capture this information before it is removed.  The site already contains sufficient information to cover most issues, but our members add further updates when possible.

We hope that free nations will wake up to stop the threat, and force the separation of (Islamic) Church and State. This will also allow moderate Muslims to escape from their totalitarian political system.

The 4 Freedoms

These 4 freedoms are designed to close 4 vulnerabilities in Secular Democracy, by making them SP or Self-Protecting (see Hobbes's first law of nature). But Democracy also requires - in addition to the standard divisions of Executive, Legislature & Judiciary - a fourth body, Protector of the Open Society (POS), to monitor all its vulnerabilities (see also Popper). 
1. SP Freedom of Speech
Any speech is allowed - except that advocating the end of these freedoms
2. SP Freedom of Election
Any party is allowed - except one advocating the end of these freedoms
3. SP Freedom from Voter Importation
Immigration is allowed - except where that changes the political demography (this is electoral fraud)
4. SP Freedom from Debt
The Central Bank is allowed to create debt - except where that debt burden can pass across a generation (25 years).

An additional Freedom from Religion is deducible if the law is applied equally to everyone:

  • Religious and cultural activities are exempt from legal oversight except where they intrude into the public sphere (Res Publica)"

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