tary prison, are to share a pay-out of £14m, it can be disclosed.
The payments to the 16 prisoners were made against a background in which MI5 and MI6 felt their control of secret intelligence was “spiraling out of control” one source said.
It was the first time that the security services had been sued in civil courts on such a scale and sources say the civil court system was ill-equipped to cope.
Up to 100 officers and lawyers were involved in scruitinising documents for MI5 alone as part of a disclosure process that involved examining 500,000 documents across both security services.
The procedure was expected to last three to five years and cost up to £50m, Ken Clarke, the Justice Secretary told the House of Commons.
Mr Clarke said the country’s reputation for human rights, justice, fairness and the rule of law risked being tarnished.
He said a mediated settlement had been reached which was subject to a legally binding confidentiality agreement, however the Daily Telegraph understands that the sum amounts to £14m.
The victims here are not victims of terror. What is it? It seems like criminal fraud, where the Muslims, who happen to be terrorists in this case, scam money off our weak and incompetent government.
Mr. Clarke was worried about our reputation for human rights, justice and fairness. But was he worried about hard working men and women in this country that now have to pay the price for his feeling of moral superiority?…
oom records crime, violence and ethnic cleansing, which in the West have now risen to the level of a civil war.
The Civil Covenant is that we give up our weapons in return for the state protecting our freedoms, families and property - but it no longer protects us from crimes permitted by religion.
There are increasing reports of fraud by Muslims, like the Birmingham rear-bump car fraud, or free prescriptions sold abroad. Western societies are vulnerable in that they expect some level of trust and cannot protect against every fraud opportunity.
(Terrorism is politically motivated violence, and is recorded in a different room).…
is meeting constituents in a covered yard outside his home, many desperate for his help.
He is a minister in the state government in India's Uttar Pradesh state.
Mr Paras is also charged with taking part in the gang-rape of a local woman.
The Indian government has promised speedier justice for crimes against women, shaken by protests over the fatal gang rape of a Delhi student.
Five of the accused are already on trial in a hastily-established fast-track court. A sixth accused, who is a minor, is being tried in a juvenile court.
But six years since Mr Paras was first charged, his case has neither been prosecuted nor dismissed.
The outcry over the Delhi gang rape has prompted a wider backlash against the old order, and the number of Indian politicians allowed to remain in office while facing serious charges is under the spotlight again.
Mr Paras' case is far from unusual.
1,448 of India's 4,835 MPs and state legislators have declared criminal cases
641 of these 1,448 are facing serious charges like murder, rape, kidnapping
44 of 206 Congress party MPs have declared criminal charges
6 legislators in state assemblies are facing rape charges
29 of 58 ministers in Uttar Pradesh state have criminal records
According to the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), a Delhi-based campaign group, a third of India's 4,835 elected representatives have declared criminal charges against them - many of them face serious cases like murder, rape and kidnapping.
The figures are based on information politicians themselves provide in their mandatory pre-election declarations.
Uttar Pradesh has more alleged criminals in its administration than any other state: Mr Paras is among 29 of 58 ministers charged with some kind of crime.
The state transport minister, Mehboob Ali, is charged with attempting to murder a rival politician, Nawshad Ali, last year.
He shows us the charge sheet drawn up by police, called FIR (first information report) in India.
But the minister disputes whether he has been charged.
"Maybe there is a complaint in a court or a police station," he says. "Maybe after an investigation, it might be found to be untrue."
On his election declaration, he has admitted to other past attempted murder charges, as well as kidnapping and robbery.
So far, there has been no progress in any of these cases.
Mr Paras says everyone in his Nagina constituency knows about his rape charge, insisting that it is "a conspiracy" fabricated by rivals.
That's possible in India's robust politics.
But it can be rare for women to press charges of rape - especially in rural areas like Nagina where tradition and caste govern life.
Many do not even report an assault because of the fear they will be ostracised by their family and community.
However serious the charge, as long as a politician is not convicted, he or she can stay in office under Indian law.
They are helped by the overloaded justice system, where even minor cases can drag out.
Manoj Kumar Paras says the rape charge against him is a "conspiracy" by his rivals
But ADR's national coordinator Anil Bairwal says politicians can also use their position to delay their cases "not just for years, but decades".
Until India's courts try more politicians, Mr Bairwal says the "poison" will spread through the world's largest democracy.
When Uttar Pradesh's Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav took power last year, he pledged not to appoint "tainted" officials to his government. His office would not agree to an interview, despite repeated requests.
Other parties, including the Congress, have made similar pledges.
Yet, ADR figures show, the number of accused politicians keeps rising.
Parties need them to deliver votes, especially where religion and caste play such a key role.
Mr Ali has a proven track record at delivering votes from his fellow Muslims in his constituency, winning four elections in a row.
Mr Paras won by nearly 30,000 votes last year in Nagina, with a particular appeal among members of his Dalits or untouchable caste.
With a general election due in the next year, "India's democracy is in danger", warns Gopal Subramaniam, a former solicitor general and one of the authors of the Verma Commission report into the Delhi gang rape case.
Their report called on all politicians facing serious charges to resign - coming into line with many other democracies.
But Mr Paras rejects the idea of standing down: "Just charging someone is not enough, you have to wait until you are convicted."
One of the tourists alleged to have knifed the teenage soldier in the chest with a switchblade
Fight broke out in a part of Ayia Napa that is off-limits to soldiers due to past trouble in the area
The 19-year-old served with the 2nd Battalion, Royal Regiment of Fusiliers has been named as David Lee Collins
The three British holidaymakers will appear in court this morning
By NICK FAGGE and MIKE THEODOULOU
PUBLISHED: 11:45, 4 November 2012 | UPDATED: 01:25, 5 November 2012
Tragic: Soldier David Collins stabbed to death at an Ayia Napa night club
A soldier was murdered in a brawl with British tourists in Cyprus yesterday – less than 24 hours before leaving for Afghanistan.
David Lee Collins was stabbed in the early hours after becoming embroiled in a row. Three men – all British passport holders with Pakistani and Somali backgrounds – will appear in court this morning in relation to the incident.
Last night there was growing concern the 19-year-old may have been targeted by anti-Western fanatics.
Mr Collins, from Manchester, had left his base at Dhekelia, with three other off-duty soldiers from 2nd Battalion, Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, for a final night out after their mission was delayed.
But the infantryman was stabbed in the chest following a row with three Britons aged 17, 18 and 19 at the popular Black & White Club, in the resort of Ayia Napa, an area off-limits to British troops. Mr Collins was given first aid but was pronounced dead on arrival at Famagusta General Hospital in nearby Paralimni.
The tourists, two of Pakistani and one of Somali origin, were arrested by Cypriot police and were last night in custody.
A fanatical attack on off-duty British soldiers is one motive being considered.
Patrick Mercer MP, the former chairman of the House of Commons counter-terrorism committee, said: ‘The possibility that off-duty British soldiers have been targeted by fanatics is extremely worrying. I hope this does not prove to be the case.’
Last night one Cypriot TV station speculated the row which led to the stabbing was over race. Cypriot police spokesman George Economou said: ‘Today at around 3.30am (01.30am GMT), while a group of British soldiers from Dhekelia garrison were enjoying themselves at a club in Ayia Napa, they had a confrontation with three of their compatriots.
First picture of boy, 16, killed in horrific hit-and-run crash as witnesses describe desperate battle to save him
‘During the confrontation one of the three drew what is believed to be a knife, injuring the 19-year-old soldier in the chest.’
A knife was recovered at the scene and it has been sent to a forensic laboratory for tests.
Mr Collins’s family have been informed of his death, the Ministry of Defence said.
Scene: A teenage solider has been stabbed to death following a fight between four soldiers and three British tourists at this nightclub in Ayia Napa
A source close to the battalion described the soldiers’ anger that their comrade had been murdered and frustration at the delay that led him to be at the nightclub.
The source said: ‘The whole of the base is on lock-down. Feelings are running very high.
‘No one is allowed out because it is feared that his comrades would take matters into their own hands and track down the culprit. It’s absolutely tragic. The battalion was meant to leave for Afghanistan on Saturday but the mission was delayed for 24 hours.
‘If they had left on time the lad would be alive today.
‘David was not drunk. He got into an argument with these three guys and when he walked away he got stabbed.
‘You have got to ask yourself, who goes to a nightclub with a knife in their pocket?
‘They are not supposed to go to Ayia Napa but it’s got to be wrong that he would have been safer in Afghanistan than in a nightclub in Cyprus.’
Ayia Napa Square, where the stabbing occurred, is off-limits for British soldiers because of past trouble. The ban was imposed by military authorities on all army personnel and their relatives stationed on the island following the rape and murder of 23-year-old Danish tour guide Louise Jensen in 1994.
Three soldiers – Allan Ford, Justin Fowler and Geoffrey Pernell – were sentenced to life imprisonment but were freed on appeal in 2006 after serving 12 years.
The ban was partially lifted in 2009 allowing troops to visit the bar-filled square during daylight hours. British Military Police patrol the resort at night.
The 2nd Battalion, Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, are currently the ‘theatre reserve battalion’ for Afghanistan.
Based at Camp Bastion, the battalion will undergo training to orientate troops for potential deployment into the field of combat.
In Cyprus the battalion is based in Dhekelia, one of two bases Britain retained after the former colony was granted independence in 1960.
There are currently 9,000 British troops and their dependants stationed in Cyprus.
Read more: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2227596/Ayia-Napa-stabbing-Teenage-British-soldier-stabbed-death-Cyprus-nightclub.html#ixzz2BamuVAC5 Follow us: @MailOnline on Twitter | DailyMail on Facebook…
Not With A Whimper - Part 3
Censorship as a consequence of psychic projection - by Howard Schwartz
In this third and final part of my essay, I want to see if we can get a handle on what Macpherson meant by "institutional" racism, and to see what consequences might follow for the British police, so stigmatized.
We left matters asking how the members of the Macpherson group could detect racism even when there was no overt evidence for it. The answer is that they could find racism because they put it there. This is called projection.
Now, projection is a term that is familiar enough, but often our understanding goes no deeper than the term itself, as if it were a phenomenon that takes place in a mental black box. But to make it useful for our purpose, a bit more of an explication will be useful.
There are thoughts or feelings that we could not stand to have. We hate them and, if we acknowledged having them, we would hate ourselves for it. But even to consider the possibility that we have them is already to see ourselves as having them., even if only hypothetically. Quite a problem. What are we going to do? One thing we can do is to experience them as being in somebody else. Then we can hate the other for having them, just as we would otherwise hate ourselves. We have, in effect, transformed an intrapsychic conflict into an interpersonal one
There are obvious advantages in doing this. We can let our hatred run at full strength; we can glory in it, seeing ourselves as righteous fighters for the good on the basis of our hatred of this bad stuff. We can even attack the other, under the premise that we are destroying the hated ideas in doing so.
Into whom would we project them? It is important to see that just about anyone will do, although someone who brings the forbidden idea to mind, even on the basis of the most tenuous association, would be an especially good candidate. The point is that what is important to us is not to make these attributions correctly, but to find a place for the ideas that is outside of ourselves. And our need to do this is incessant, since our fear of having the ideas is always there. So we can find someone to dump them into just about anyplace we are, because anyplace we go, it will be there.
Now we could be talking about any content of the mind here that would be unacceptable to a person. Homosexual inclination would be a good example, but in this case our interest is in racism.
The projection of racism is on extravagant display in the report of the Macpherson hearings. They mention five areas of evidence for the demonstration of racism: (a) the treatment of Mr and Mrs Lawrence at the hospital on the night of the murder; (b) the initial reaction to the victim and witness Duwayne Brooks; (c) the family liaison; (d) the failure of many officers to recognize Stephen’s murder as a racially motivated crime; and (e) the lack of urgency and motivation in some areas of the investigation.
Dennis, Erdman, and Al Shahi vivisect their findings of "racism" in these areas and show that, in every instance, whatever happened that was not optimal could be entirely explained by causes that are perfectly common and entirely understandable, showing that the imputation of racism is, in every case, egregious. For reasons of space, I can only consider one of them. But I think it is important to discuss an instance, just to give an idea for the feel of the thing, Remember that there was no evidence of racist feelings or behavior, but they found it nonetheless. Projection may be interpolated as the step between observations and otherwise unsupportable interpretations.
A police officer named Little was reported to have said to Mr. Lawrence at the hospital to which Stephen had been brought: "we've got a young lad in there, he is dead, we don't know who he is, but we would like to clarify that point. If it is not your son then all well and good, but we do need to know. I am sure you would like to know as well."
The Macpherson group observed to begin with, that Mr. and Mrs Lawrence required careful and sympathetic handling, and that Mr. Little's approach was insensitive and unsympathetic, which is fair enough, but then they said this:
Although he had worked in multi-cultural societies and areas throughout his service and believed that he treated everybody in the same way his lack of sensitivity and his inaction, particularly at the hospital, betrayed conduct which demonstrates inability to deal properly with bereaved people, and particularly those bereaved as a result of a terrible racist attack. He failed to deal with the family appropriately and professionally. This was unwitting racism at work. (emphasis added)
But what if Mr Little was just an insensitive guy, toward whites as much as blacks, or what if he was tired, or feeling harried at that moment? These obvious possibilities were not refuted, or even considered. The cause of his insensitivity was racism, and that was that.
One won't find a more classical example of projection, and this sort of thing was the norm.
Now let us consider what happens to those into whom we project these unacceptable thoughts. There are several possibilities here.
One is that they can refuse them. "I'm not a _______," they say. But those who do the projecting will not be not dissuaded. For reasons that have nothing to do with the target of their projections, they are sure of their judgments. So what does one do? Prove that one is not? How could one do that? How could one prove that something is not in one's mind? Inevitably, then, the person accused will be unable to respond to the charge in any way that is not transparently inadequate.
Another possibility is to identify with the projection, forming the complex Klein calls projective identification; one would internalize the condemnation coming from the other. The result would be to feel that the accusations are justified , which would make a sincere refusal impossible. The response is likely to be guilt, shame, and self-hatred.
An alternative is to do to others what has been done to oneself. Somebody has projected something into you, or you even imagine they have, or that they will. It doesn't much matter which, since it is in your mind as a possibility. You can try to get rid of it in the same way by projecting it into someone else, so becoming another righteous fighter in the cause. Before long, the cause becomes a social movement in its own right, albeit with a political, rather than a functional identity.
I want to move now to consider the effect the finding of institutional racism could have had on the British police, especially given the organizational endorsement of the charge rendered by Sir Paul Condon. We are looking particularly to see how the effect could have been an inhibition in their response to the riots of August, 2011.
In this, bear in mind that this charge was not a onetime thing. Calling it "institutional," rendered it, in effect, a defining feature of the organization, which, not being tied down to anything discernible and specific, could not be demonstrably outgrown. That would make it for all practical purposes, permanent. Along these lines, the Macpherson report called for the future training of police to be, from that time forward, designed to root out this racism, a process that assumes that the suspicion of racism would be essentially everlasting.
One could hypothesize the transformation of the organization in a number of directions, which, however apparently different, could occur simultaneously and build upon one another.
1) The development of a bunker mentality. The police could see themselves as being under siege, permanently subject to undeserved, arbitrary attack, from which they would not feel capable of defending themselves. They would believe that they would be condemned, no matter how reasonable their case. They would come to feel like a secret sect, separate from the society which they had undertaken to protect, and which they would come to resent. Systems of control and accountability would come to seem like agencies of oppression, which the organization would feel the necessity of defending itself against.
Obviously, such separation would lead to a systemic failure of engagement that could not help but have a negative impact on the system's responsiveness and its general effectiveness. We should also not be surprised to find, growing out of the resentment, a degree of schaedenfreude and passive aggression: "They created this mess, now let them live with it."
2) Operating at a deeper level, the system could become morally submissive. Having accepted the accusation of institutional racism, the system would be in the permanent condition of condemning itself, of finding itself guilty. And this guilt would not be for anything specific that one had done, but for who one is, which gives it the aspect of shame. Under the circumstances, it would lose confidence in its own spontaneous judgments, which, after all, are an expression of who one is. But, such confidence is necessary for a rapid response. Therefore, in a system of this sort the tendency would be for the police to question their motives, to hold them suspect, rather than act on them. The moral order would be inverted. Initiative would pass over to those seen as likely to bring charges of racism, which would be the bedrock of moral authority, and upon whom the system would become dependent. It might even come to see attacks upon it as legitimate and proper punishment. It is easy to see that such a police force would find it difficult to impose order on a group upon which they experienced such dependence.
We were looking to understand the causes of the inhibition of police counter-aggression. This, obviously, would do it.
3) The dynamic of dealing with a projection by projecting it elsewhere would redefine the mission and ultimately the nature of a police force. The police force would come to adopt "antiracism" as an identity. Then, instead of being a social subsystem whose goal is to enforce the society's laws, it would become a paramilitary force following political objectives.
But this dynamic can be based on people's apprehension about the possibility of being accused in this way, rather than on specific accusations as such. The result would be that it would tend to expand exponentially. It would also easily move outside the bounds of the police to other sectors of the society, perhaps even including former High Court judges such as Sir William Macpherson.
As the movement expands, "racism" becomes increasingly broadly defined; and antiracism, which inevitably has a rather tenuous focus, becomes subject to subsumption under deeper and more comprehensive political categories, such as those, for example, that formed the elite condemnation with which we started. Depending on the political steering currents in operation, a police force redefined in this way could come to see itself as directed against existing society itself, which it would come to see as inherently, perhaps "institutionally" racist, not to mention every other bad thing. Under the circumstances, increased identification with rioters, of whatever race, whose assault against society would come to be seen as legitimate and political in its own right, could be expected. The police force's capacity to impose order on a riot would, of course, become increasingly problematic. In the end, they might even join in.
As I have said, these tendencies, though distinct, could occur simultaneously and reinforce each other. For example, the separation from society could easily provide a setting for the politicization of the police.
In closing, it is good to reflect that none of this was foreordained. The condemnation of one’s society is not something that just happens. There is always a choice involved. Why British society, and Western society generally, through its elites, chose to condemn itself, and in the course of that made it impossible for it to defend itself, is outside the scope of this essay.
new investigations involve a group of men allegedly raping or sexually abusing a string of teenage girls.
GMP have also not disclosed the specific location of the gangs.
It follows three other cases where alleged offenders have been either charged or convicted.
In one, nine men were yesterday charged in connection with the alleged sexual abuse of a girl in Rochdale.
The charges relate to child exploitation offences committed separately against one teenage girl between 2008 and 2009.
The men were arrested in May.
They have all been bailed to appear before Bury magistrates later this year.
In April five men were charged with a variety of sex offences against girls from Stockport.
And in May nine men from Rochdale and Oldham were jailed for raping and sexually abusing girls as young as 13 between 2008 and 2010.
The Asian men, most of them working as taxi drivers or in fast-food takeaways in Heywood, were convicted on the back of evidence from five white girls.
Scores of girls were ‘shared’ with other men at sex parties across the north.
The judge who jailed the nine suggested race may have been a factor in the abuse, telling the men he believed they chose the girls because they were ‘not of your community or religion’.
The investigation into the Rochdale case continues, with detectives still trying to track down four other men said to have abused one of the five girls. Two men aged 33 have been arrested and released on bail pending further enquiries.
Detectives are also investigating ‘numerous’ other smaller sexual exploitation cases, each one believed to involve one alleged victim who claims to have been abused by one or two men.
Greater Manchester Police has doubled the number of detectives working on tackling sexual grooming since the Rochdale convictions earlier this year. Now around 400 detectives are involved in its inquiry into child sexual exploitation and other sex offences across the region.
Detective Chief Superintendant Mary Doyle, head of GMP’s Public Protection Division, said: "There are currently a number of child sexual exploitation investigations underway across the force, which range from individuals up to large groups of offenders that are loosely connected to each other.
"Some of these investigations have arisen from historic allegations and some are based on new complaints.
"We now have a much better understanding of the signs to look for, plus there have been significant improvements in the sharing of information between agencies. Also, the widespread publicity surrounding recent cases has ensured that victims, witnesses, carers and the wider community are much more alive now to the threat.
"Child sexual exploitation is now one of the force’s top priorities and we are absolutely committed to ensuring it gets the resources that it deserves. As a result we have put significant investment into both the Public Protection Division and our co-located multi-agency teams.
"We currently have around 400 officers working full-time as part of these teams, working in a number of areas including child sexual exploitation and other sexual offences."
The nine men who were charged yesterday in connection with the latest Rochdale grooming investigation are:
Freddy Kendakumana, 26, of Illminster, Rochdale has been charged with three counts of rape, attempted rape and four counts of sexual activity with a child under 16. He has been bailed to appear at Bury Magistrates’ Court on 7 November 2012.
Roheez Khan, 26, of Ashfield Road, Rochdale has been charged with ten counts of sexual activity with a child under 16. He has been bailed to appear at Bury Magistrates’ Court on the 8 November 2012.
Chola Chansa, 32, of Illminster, Rochdale has been charged with two counts of sexual activity with a child under 16. He has been bailed to appear at Bury Magistrates’ Court on 9 November 2012.
Anjam Masood, 30, of Marne Crescent, Rochdale has been charged with sexual activity and inciting sexual activity with a child under 16. He has been bailed to appear at Bury Magistrates’ Court on 21 November 2012.
Asrar Haider, 38, of Chamber House Drive, Castleton, Rochdale has been charged with sexual activity and inciting sexual activity with a child under 16. He has been bailed to appear at Bury Magistrates’ Court on 21 November 2012.
Ali Asghar Hussain Shah, 39, of Lyefield Walk, Rochdale has been charged with sexual activity and inciting sexual activity with a child under 16. He has been bailed to appear at Bury Magistrates’ Court on 22 November 2012.
Abdul Huk, 36, of Ouldfield Close, Rochdale has been charged with sexual activity with a child under 16. He has been bailed to appear at Bury Magistrates’ Court on 23 November 2012.
Mohammed Rafiq, 31, of Allington, Freehold, Rochdale has been charged with sexual activity and inciting sexual activity with a child under 16. He has been bailed to appear at Bury Magistrates’ Court on 5 December 2012.
Mohammed Ali, 27, of Exbury, Rochdale has been charged with sexual activity with a child under 16. He has been bailed to appear at Bury Magistrates’ Court on 6 December 2012.
You don't have to be a member of 4F to follow any room or topic! Just fill in on any page you like.
Muslim Terrorism Count
Most Western societies are based on Secular Democracy, which itself is based on the concept that the open marketplace of ideas leads to the optimum government. Whilst that model has been very successful, it has defects. The 4 Freedoms address 4 of the principal vulnerabilities, and gives corrections to them.
At the moment, one of the main actors exploiting these defects, is Islam, so this site pays particular attention to that threat.
Islam, operating at the micro and macro levels, is unstoppable by individuals, hence: "It takes a nation to protect the nation". There is not enough time to fight all its attacks, nor to read them nor even to record them. So the members of 4F try to curate a representative subset of these events.
We hope that free nations will wake up to stop the threat, and force the separation of (Islamic) Church and State. This will also allow moderate Muslims to escape from their totalitarian political system.
The 4 Freedoms
These 4 freedoms are designed to close 4 vulnerabilities in Secular Democracy, by making them SP or Self-Protecting (see Hobbes's first law of nature). But Democracy also requires - in addition to the standard divisions of Executive, Legislature & Judiciary - a fourth body, Protector of the Open Society (POS), to monitor all its vulnerabilities (see also Popper). 1. SP Freedom of Speech Any speech is allowed - except that advocating the end of these freedoms 2. SP Freedom of Election Any party is allowed - except one advocating the end of these freedoms 3. SP Freedom from Voter Importation Immigration is allowed -except where that changes the political demography (this is electoral fraud) 4. SP Freedom from Debt
The Central Bank is allowed to create debt - except where that debt burden can pass across a generation (25 years).
An additional Freedom from Religion is deducible if the law is applied equally to everyone:
Religious and cultural activities are exempt from legal oversight except where they intrude into the public sphere (Res Publica)"