It takes a nation to protect the nation
The transmigration program (Indonesian: Transmigrasi) was an initiative of the Indonesian government to move landless people from densely populated areas of Indonesia to less populous areas of the country. This involved moving people permanently from the island of Java (moslem) but also to a lesser extent from Madura (moslem) to less densely populated non moslem areas including Papua, Kalimantan, Sumatra, and Sulawesi.
The stated purpose of this program was to reduce the considerable poverty and overpopulation on Java, to provide opportunities for hard-working poor people, and to provide a workforce to better utilize (pillage) the natural resources of the outer islands.
The program, however, has been controversial with critics accusing the Indonesian government of trying to use these migrants to reduce the proportion of native populations in receiving areas, thus weakening separatist movements. The program has often been cited as a major and ongoing factor in controversies and even conflict and violence between settlers and indigenous populations.
The policy was first initiated by the Dutch colonial government in the early nineteenth century to reduce crowding and to provide a workforce for plantations on Sumatra.
The program diminished during the last years of the Dutch era, but was revived following Indonesian independence, in an attempt to alleviate the food shortages and weak economic performance during Sukarno's presidency in the two decades following WW2.
Since the 1990s, violent conflict has occurred between some transmigrant (Moslem) and indigenous populations(non moslem); in Kalimantan, hundreds were killed in fighting between Madurese (moslem) transmigrants and the indigenous Dayak people(non moslem).
Indonesia's transmigration program was the target of extensive opposition, particularly from within indigenous populations in the regions where transmigrants were settled. Some foreign and domestic observers have also criticized the program's intentions and implementation.
Many indigenous people saw the program as a part of an effort by the Java-based Indonesian Government to extend greater economic and political control over other regions, by moving in people with closer ties to Java and loyalty to the Indonesian state. This was particularly resented amongst some in areas such as Papua, which had an active secessionist movement. The government agencies responsible for administering transmigration were often accused of being insensitive to local customary or adat land rights.
Transmigration has also been blamed for accelerating the deforestation of sensitive rainforest areas, as formerly sparsely-populated areas experienced great increases in population. Migrants were often moved to entirely new "transmigration villages," constructed in regions that had been relatively unimpacted by human activity. By settling on this land, natural resources were used up and the lands became overgrazed, resulting in deforestation.
In many examples, the program also failed in its objective to improve the situation of the migrants. The soil and climate of their new locations were generally not nearly as productive as the volcanic soil of Java and Bali. The settlers were often landless people lacking in farming skills, let alone skills appropriate to the new land, thus compromising their own chances of success. Despite major government spending, which in some years was equivalent to thirty or forty percent of the entire government budget for some outer islands, necessary investments in transportation, water, and education were lacking
This has also resulted in communal (anti moslem) clashes between the indigenous population and the transmigrants. For example, in 2001 the indigenous Dayaks and the transmigrant Madurese clashed during the Sampit conflict resulting in hundreds of deaths and thousands of Madurese being displaced.
Under the cloak of transmigration, islam has made the largest invasions in modern history
I guess I shouldn't hold my breath. .
Sun God with a grudge He got picked on as a kid, what with his mum having frolicked with a Godly Dolphin and him being born from her leg where Godly scales had brushed it. (What kind of frolic is that? Ed). So he grew up with a chip on his shoulder, vowed he was going to burn everything, and leapt into the sky to become the sun. His mum was just in time to throw clouds of lime into the sky to prevent him from burning everything to a crisp.
The crocodile plays a prominent part in many of the myths of creation of Papua New Guinea. For example, some Kiwaians believe that their "father" was a crocodile. The myth tells how a being called Ipila carved a human figure out of wood and brought it to life by painting the face with sago milk. First the eyes opened, then the nostrils quivered and the "man" made a noise like a crocodile. His name was Nugu and he was not satisfied until Ipila made three more men as companions for him.
These men refused to learn the things Ipila wanted to teach them and after a while two of them became tired of only eating sago and started to kill animals for food. Almost at once they turned into half-crocodiles.
They then tried to make some of their own kind but they found that they could only make men because Ipila secretly altered their work. It is from these new men that their descendants claim the crocodile as their father. The European interaction with Papua New Guinea was a gradual process and even today there are isolated communities where contact remains minimal. Under these circumstances the way of life of the Papua New Guinea people had been hardly touched by the ways of the Europeans and their mythology continued to reinforce the intricate bond between themselves and nature upon which their survival depended.
The representation of the mythology in the form of tribal art consequently maintained the rich fabric that had been built up over many thousands of years resulting in the tribal art of Papua New Guinea having a unique and lasting inter-relationship with the mythology of the different groups that go to make up the Melanesian society of Papua New Guinea. "The crimes committed against the people of West Papua are some of the most shameful of the past years. The Western powers have much to answer for, and at the very least should use their ample means to bring about the withdrawal of the occupying Indonesian army and termination of the shameful exploitation of resources and destruction of the environment and the lives and societies of the people of West Papua, who have suffered far too much." Noam Chomsky
Another victim of islam
The koteka, horim, or penis sheath is a phallocrypt or phallocarp traditionally worn by native male inhabitants of some (mainly highland) ethnic groups in western New Guinea to cover their genitals. They are normally made from a dried out gourd, Lagenaria siceraria, although other species, such as Nepenthes mirabilis, are also be used. They are held in place by a small loop of fiber attached to the base of the koteka and placed around the testicles. Many tribes can be identified by the way they wear their koteka. Some wear them pointed straight out, straight up, at an angle, or in other directions. The diameter of the koteka can also be a clue. Contrary to popular belief, there is little correlation between the size or length of the koteka and the social status of the wearer. Kotekas of different sizes serve different purposes: very short kotekas are worn when working and longer and more elaborate kotekas are worn on festive occasions. The koteka is made of a specially grown gourd. Stone weights are tied to the bottom of the gourd to stretch it out as it grows. Curves can be made in it by the use of string to restrain its growth in whatever direction the grower wishes. They can be quite elaborately shaped in this manner. When harvested, the gourd is emptied and dried. It is sometimes waxed with beeswax or native resins. It can be painted, and/or have shells, feathers and other decorations attached to it. It is commonly assumed that there is a sexual display element to wearing the koteka, however, according to the locals, kotekas are worn only to cover themselves. Campaigns by the Indonesian government to suppress the koteka in Papua occurred in the 1970s. The campaigns have been largely unsuccessful in areas such as the Baliem Valley. Offending muzi sensitivities In 1971-1972 the government launched "Operasi Koteka" ("Operation Penis Gourd") which consisted primarily of trying to encourage the people to wear shorts and shirts because such clothes were considered more "modern." But the people did not have changes of clothing, did not have soap, and were unfamiliar with the care of such clothes so the unwashed clothing caused skin diseases. There were also reports of men wearing the shorts as hats and the women using the dresses as carrying bags.
Another unwelcome guest The koran Kissing Pope
Missionaries in the 1950s attempted to alter the local customs by forcing locals to wear shorts. Many of the Dani of the Baliem Valley felt exposed without their kotekas and could be seen wearing shorts with their kotekas sticking out of them. Eventually the missionary effort and the Indonesian government's campaign were abandoned. Nevertheless, western clothing is required in government buildings, and children are required to wear western clothing in school.